While the first meaning rather relates to 'chest', the second may continue *bi/ark- 'knee' as well

    Note AKK 'lap' in birku, burku [CAD b 255] given as a second meaning; this rather developed from the main meaning 'knee' (see *bi/ark-, No. ), though, in principle, may continue SEM barak- 'chest' as well.

    Cf. MHR bǝrk 'in, at, inside, among' [JM 52] (and HRS berk 'in, into' [JH 19]), which Leslau reasonably thinks related to SOQ bérak 'poitrine' [LS 96]; for a similar semantic development cf. MSA mǝn ḥǝḳ 'inside' (prep.) [JM 175-176] and SEM *ḥi/aḳʷ- (or *ḥayḳʷ-) 'hip, loin, lap', No.

    [DRS 84]: AKK, ARB, SOQ, ETH (burke 'humerus, épaule' not to be found in the available ETH dictionaries; probably the AMH example above is meant); [LS 95]: SOQ, ARB, MHR

    For the meaning 'lap', see *barak- 'chest', No. . See discussion in [Holma 95] where the author tends to treat birku 'knee' and birku 'genitals' as the same word, quoting, however, ARB rakab- 'pubis' as a possible cognate to the latter

    Note PB bōräk 'knee-shaped pole' [ibid.]

    Formed after the active participle pattern; strangely enough, normally not quoted in comparative studies (see [DRS], [LGz]). Cf. also brk 's'agenouiller' [BK 1 116]. As for bark-, birk- 'genou' quoted in [GD 153], it is not clear whether it is DAT_ or MHR

    Cf. *rVkub- (No. ) and discussion in [GD 163], where separation of these two roots is also favored.

    [Fron 49]: (*birk- /GEZ,ARB baraka 's'inginocchiò', JUD, SYR, HBR, UGR, AKK/); [DRS 84]: AKK, UGR, HBR, ARM, SOQ, MHR, ETH; [Holma 133]: AKK, HBR, ARM (also ʔarkubtā), ARB (rukbat-); [KB 160]: HBR, ARM, UGR, ETH, MHR, AKK, ARB (rukbat-, also bark- 'chest'); [DLU 116]: UGR, HBR, AKK, GEZ, ARB (rukbat-); [Brock 96]: SYR, JUD (also ʔarkubtā), HBR, ARB (rukbat-), GEZ, AKK; [LGz 105]: GEZ, ETH, HBR, ARM, UGR, AKK (plus metathetic roots in ARB, ARM and JIB)

    All ETH examples are regarded as Arabisms by Leslau: GEZ baraṣ 'leprosy' [LGz 107] (no arguments given), TGR ʔabräs 'tertiary syphilis' [LH 367] (erroneously quoted as ʔabräṣ in [DRS 86]), EAST: HAR bäräs 'kind of leprosy', bursi 'furuncle' [LHar 46], SEL WOL burs do. [LGur 156], with a reasonable comment on ṣ normally rendered by s in Arabic loanwords [ibid.] (cf. WOL bärs 'scar', on which Leslau comments as "perhaps from Cushitic" quoting SID and OROMO bassa 'scar' [ibid.], but which can hardly be separated from other ETH EAST examples).

    As for MHR berēṣ, Jahn seems to translate it as 'leprosy' [JM 53], in which case it is very likely an Arabism, while Johnstone translates it as 'stark naked' [ibid.], then related to bǝrṣɔ́ṣ 'bald, naked (child)' (see below).

    There is also a verb 'to shave the hair, be bald': ARB brṣ 'raser la tête, les cheveaux de la tête' [BK 1 111], JIB bɔ́rɔ́ṣ 'to shave off all the hair on the head', bǝrṣɔ́ṣ 'bald, naked (child)' [JJ 28]; this may be related to *baraṣ- 'scabies; lepra' implying the idea of a disease causing baldness or requiring shaving off the hair.

    See discussion on a possible connection with SEM *brṣ 'to shine' in [LGz 108] and [DRS 86].

    [Brock 98]: SYR, ARB

    MIN bs₂r 'toute chaire, les hommes' [LM 24]

    The meanings 'child' (the only one preserved in AKK and PHO PUN) and 'mankind' (preserved in ARM BIB, ARB and MIN) may be explained by the notion of common origin, or consanguinity, associated with flesh. "And our arm will not be upon him, - Judas says about Joseph to his brothers, - for he is our brother, our flesh (bǝŝārēnū)" [Gen. 37:27]; for a similar semantic connection see another word for 'flesh', šǝʔēr, rendering the same idea of consanguinity ("Do not disclose bareness of your father's sister: she is of the same blood (šǝʔēr, lit. flesh) as your father" [Lev. 18:12]).

    Note the meaning 'skin' attested in ARB and MSA, which could suggest the PSEM meaning 'flesh with skin', if not for MSA examples suspected of being ARB loan-words, in which case a meaning shift in ARB is to be regarded as an ARB semantic innovation.

    [Fron 41] (*baŝar- /ESA,ARB,SYR,HBR,UGR,AKK/); [DRS 89]: UGR, HBR, PUN, ARM, ARB, ESA, GEZ, HAR, GUR (*baŝar- 'peau, chair'); [KB 164]: HBR, ARB, UGR, PHO, ARM, ESA, ETH; [DLU 119]: UGR, HBR, PUN, ARM, ESA, ARB; [LHar 47]: HAR, GUR, HBR; [Holma 1]: AKK, HBR, ESA, ARB

    Only C. SEM.

    Cf. such probably derived terms as CAN: AMN bṭn, designation of an architectural element [HJ 151], and PHO bṭn 'embossement (?)' [T 45].

    Cf. two ETH examples attested only in the languages most open to ARB influence: TGR bäṭǝn 'belly' [LH 300] and EAST: HAR bäṭni 'voracious' [LHar 48]; both examples are very likely ARB loan-words (see [ibid.]).

    Obviously of ARB origin (cf. ARB baṭīn- 'ventru, qui a un gros ventre' [BK 1 138]) are MSA forms: MHR bǝṭáyn 'having a big belly' [JM 58], HRS beṭī́n 'having a full stomach' [JH 20], JIB ebṭín 'to have a big belly' [JJ 31]).

    [DRS 60]: AMARNA, HBR, ARM, ARB, TGR, HAR (< ARB) (*baṭn-); [KB 121]: HBR, AMARNA, ARM, ARB, TGR (< ARB); [Brock 67]: SYR, JUD, HBR, ARB, AKK buṭnu 'interiora' (in fact meaning 'terebinth' [CAD b 358]). Cf. Arb. bʔṭ, Gez. baṭaṭa 'lie on the stomach' (Hbr Soq bṭḥ id.), Tgr Tna Amh 'lie down'

    [DRS 54]: ARM OFF, SYR, ARB MGHR bazz, bazūz 'enfants en bas âge' (other ARB forms surprisingly overlooked) (*bizz-); [DLU 123]: UGR, ARM, ARB; [Brock 64]: SYR, JUD, ARB

    According to [CAD], probably a logogram, the reading of which is unknown (a Sumerism?); in one context used together with mūtānu ("calamity and pestilence"?). This word is reasonably compared to HBR and ARB by von Soden; the categoric statement of the [CAD d 134] ("no connection with Heb däbär") is strange

    Not quite certain; differently interpreted in both [Gordon] and [Aist.]

    The meaning is very plausibly related to 'plague' and not attested in ARB, which makes borrowing from ARB improbable

    Cf. TGR dbr 'to cause trouble', dǝbǝr 'poverty, hunger' [LH 527], probably related with a semantic shift.

    [DRS 213]: HBR, ARB (dabr-), AKK (dibir- 'une calamité'); [DLU 129]: UGR, HBR; [KB 212]: HBR, UGR (translated as 'death'), ARB (dabr-, also dabarat- 'running ulcer', with no reference), AKK (dibiru 'disaster')

    The underlying form is likely to be *dayd-ān- (cf. ARB dayd-); semantic connection with 'breast' is plausible. Also sometimes compared to this root is dīdū whose meaning is questionable; cf. [CAD d 135-6] where this word is translated as 'a piece of female apparel covering the hips' and the connection with HBR dad 'breast' is rejected

    Cf. what looks a variant root (with m/l) *dVḳl- 'beak', with derived verbs, in ARB and MSA (cf. [DRS 303]): ARB daḳala 'frapper qn. sur quelque partie de la tête, p. ex. sur le nez, sur le menton ou sur la nuque' [BK 1 717] (cf. also dawḳal- 'verge, pénis' [ibid.]); MHR dǝḳlayl 'beak (bird); peak (mountain)' [JM 69], dǝḳáwl 'to push suddenly with the head, (birds) with the beak, (long-nosed animals) with the nose [ibid.], HRS deḳeláyl 'beak; peak' [JH 24], JIB dǝḳlél 'beak; peak (of a mountain)' [JJ 38], dɔ́ḳɔ́l 'to push with the beak, nose' [ibid.].

    [DRS 304]: ARB, TGR, JIB

    The word structure is so close to ARB dimāɣ- that one may suspect an Arabism (cf. [ibid.] and [LGur 207]), though a difference in meaning rather speaks against this assumption

    Note also variations in the third radical both in ARB and GEZ.

    [DRS 271]: ARB, ETH

    Cf. damāl- 'fumier; fiente; ordures' [ibid. 734] (-l < *-n by dissimilation with -m- or < *dVmm-al-, with suffixed -l ?)

    Likely < *dVm-an-, with the *-an suffix, in view of ARB dimmat- 'crottin, boule de fiente (de chameau ou d'autres animaux semblables)' [BK 1 728-9].

    [DRS 274]: ARB, HBR, TGR dimnät 'ruines' (the comparison is semantically strange); [KB 227]: HBR, ARB

    Placed under danānu 'Macht, Stärke' in [AHw 158]. Cf. dannatu 'a part of the lungs' OB on [CAD d 87] (not in [AHw])

    Strangely interpreted in [DRS 280-81] as "mon gros"

    According to Leslau, represents däl do. attested in EAST: SEL WOL ZWY [ibid. 205]; though "l when originally geminated becomes n in a medial position" [ibid. XLVIII], the comparative material in this case seems to point to the original -n (or *dann and *dal are to be considered variant roots, possibly with a secondary confusion in meaning)

    Cf. SEM *dpn 'to bury' (e.g. [LGz 124]), which may be related; for a similar semantic connection, see *gin(ā)z-at'(dead) body, back (of body)', No.

    [DRS 299]: HBR PB, ARM, GUR (dpn) compared to [DRS 300]: ARB, MSA, TGR (dpp); [Brock 162]: SYR, JUD, MND; [DM 105]: MND, JUD, SYR; [LS 133]: SOQ, ARB

    Cf. ḍarrat- 'base de la mamelle; mamelle' [BK 2 15] compared in [Maizel 155]; probably a result of contamination of the present root and ḍarʕ- (cf. *ṣ̂arʕ- 'teat, nipple, udder', No. )

    Cf. what at a first glance looks like a related verb 'to give/get much milk', with derived nominal forms: ARB drr 'donner du lait en abondance (se dit d'une chamelle)' [BK 1 681], dirrat- 'abondance de lait, gros filet de lait, quand il coule; lait' [ibid. 682]; TGR därrä 'to have a full udder, to give much milk' [LH 518], där 'milk (that is in the udder)', darrät 'milk cow' [ibid.] (cf. also dǝwre 'cow that is milked only once a day' [ibid. 537]); MHR hǝdrōr 'to get a lot at a milking' [JM 72], JIB edrer 'to get a lot of milk at one milking' [JJ 40] (both caus.). However, in ARB the meaning 'abundance (of milk)' is obviously a secondary development stemming from the general meaning of the root, cf. drr 'couler abondamment, par torrents (se dit de la pluie, du lait, de l'urine, etc.); abonder en quelque chose; être d'une végétation riche; produire beaucoup' [BK 1 681]. This makes one suspect TGR and MSA terms related to milking of being ARB loan-words (to a wide circulation of this ARB borrowing, cf. E. CUSH: SOMALI darar 'avere piu latte' [Som-It 135]).

    [DRS 306; 319]: ARB, ETH, MSA

    Strangely interpreted by Jastrow as "row of teeth" (<dwr). Cf. also a composed noun duršinnē 'gum' [ibid. 290] made of *dur, with a vocalism different from dǝrārā, and šinnē 'teeth'

    Cf. ʔadram- do. [ibid. 1 692], drm 'tomber (les dents)' [ibid.] (derived stem, with -m suffixed); probably also darrām-at- 'lièvre' [ibid.], with a semantic shift

    Note different patterns in ARM: JUD *dVrar- and SYR *dawr-.

    [DRS 311]: ARB, TGR (also ARB drm [ibid. 314])

    HBR PB and ARM JUD above (one of them likely to be borrowed from the other) are almost undoubtedly related, with a meaning shift 'skin disease' > 'insect causing skin disease/damage'.

    Cf. TNA dǝram 'malattia che attacca le ginocchia, cagionata per aver camminato in luoghi paludosi e infetti, che mandano essalazioni cattive' [Bass 761]; -m and a semantic difference make this comparison difficult.

    [DRS 315]: ARB, TGR

    [DRS 318]: ARB, TGR, SOQ (with reservations); [LS 135]: SOQ, ARB

    Note that another meaning, 'honorary gift', is not related since this homonymous term is an Iranian loanword [HJ 262-3]

    Cf. AKK duššumu, adj. describing a characteristic bodily trait (in PN only), OAkk on [CAD d 200], [AHw 179]; note that dašnu 'Gewaltiger' (=dannu) hardly belongs here (see discussion in [CAD d 120], where the word is left without translation).

    Supported by AFRASIAN data (above), which point to the primary stem *daš- {} *das-; in this connnection one wonders whether -m and -n are two different suffixes or *-m > -n in HBR and ARM by assimilation to d-.

    [DRS 321], [KB 234]: HBR, ARB, AKK (duššumu, dašnu)